Thursday, November 6, 2014

Comment posted on www.thenextfront.com

Divash Sharma

The situation in Nepal is very complex now. The revolution has been passing through a phase of set back. Prachnada-Babural clique has really destroyed the gains the revolutionaries had made. They destroyed the people’s army, base areas and united front. In this course, the revolutionaries tried to reverse the process. Even they reorganized CPN – M. However, Kiran and a few other top leaders of the reorganized CPN – M created new road blocks. Now the revolutionaries should understand clearly that they have to go through another phase of party reorganization and should take the leadership from bewildered old guards. From CPI (M)’s assessment also we reach to the same conclusion.

Friday, September 6, 2013

Two line in CPN (M) and the March Pass

Divash Sharma

Personally, I felt overwhelmed by the "March Pass " of the youths in red in Birtamod, the birth place of the Great Jhapa peasant's rebellion. I felt moved and thrilled.

The third phase of the armed class struggle has already been over. The first phase of 1955, Bara Rautahat armed rebellion died in its infancy. The second phase that started in Jhapa in 1971 had met road blocks in 1981 and got disintegrated. The third phase which was initiated in 1996 was the "people's war". It was the most influential class war in the history of Nepal till now. But, this got severe blow in 2006 and became already defunct. We should realize this fact and should accept this truth. Now we have to analyze the reasons for such happening as objectively as possible.

Now, this is the period of the preparation of the fourth phase. Hence, it is only natural that we see fierce two line struggle continuing. "The participation in election" line,and "the boycott of the election" line are standing against each other.

In the past, there were several mistakes as the revolutionaries behaved like a monolithic bunch. They must learn lessons and should conduct the two line struggle till it passes through the process of  political debate that could be conducted within the party and by following the procedures of the party. Pushing people out is not the solution, pushing the wrong line out by taking the debate as ideologically as possible and as politically as possible should be the objective. Hence, allowing debate till it reaches to its logical end should be the general norm.

As far as I believe, the "participate in the election" line is exactly what the UCPN and UML have been following. There is no need of the CPN(M) to carry the same tactic and agenda with the same vague goal. However, the leaders and cadres of the CPN (M) following such line should be given full hearing so as to help them to decide not emotionally but politically and ideologically.

After seeing the "March Pass", the Nepalese people hope that there are seeds germinating for the forth phase of the armed class struggle, this time, may be, arm revolt as the basic nature of our society has been fast changing. 
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Tuesday, June 4, 2013

Ashok Rai's Interview: Some Comments



Divash Sharma

I watched Mr. Ashok Rai's interview with great interest. (fireside, Kantipur TV).  Politically, his stand on "Federalism with identity of indigenous nationalities" is not only correct but also this is the best solution to address inclusiveness, social justice and democratic practice in a multicultural society, where there are geographical zones historically and settlement-wise identifying with certain nationality/ethnicity. Examples are many. Among them a few are - Limbuvan, Kirat, Nepah, Magarat, Tharuhat, Madhes, Khasan, etc. The Khasas/Bahuns are trying to rephrase the the "Rajya with Jatia Pahichan" into "Jatiya Rajya" and all people should understand this deliberate attempt of ruling nationality/ethnicity.

I have a few suggestions to Mr. Ashok Rai. 1. Please be assertive in your spirit, tone, non-verbals, selection of examples. Please wear a pair of shoes of a highest ranking leader of a national party and not as a functionary of YEMALE. 2. Lear to smile and learn to bring humor. You are addressing thousands of people and they want to listen you comfortably and understandably. 3. Please be clear that you are a socialist party, though some communists could be there very much present. Hence, when approach any issue you please bring socialist perspective into your system of logic. You could be a communist at core or also in form, but the party you head is not. 4. Repeatedly, there is a talk in town that you may merge with YEKIKRIT MAOBADI. That would be the day of your and your party's suiside. YEKIKRIT MAOBADI does not carry positive net-worth, it has a huge negative net-worth and its days of bankruptcy are not that far. Though, it is simply surviving because of its access to power, state resources and residual organizational strengths.

Sunday, April 21, 2013

Nepali Revolution and CPN – M: Some Unsolicited Inputs

Nepali Revolution and CPN – M: Some Unsolicited Inputs

Divash Sharma

Since its reorganization, CPN – M has been suffering from absence of clarity in several fronts – political line, organization building, tactic, strategy, etc. The leadership has been showing inconsistencies in their words and practices. It seems that its cadres are in a state of serious confusion and its sympathizers are bewildered. Now, it is high time for CPN – M leadership to clarify, at least, the following points.
1. What the party is going to do?
• re-launching protracted people’s war, or
• limiting to urban mass rebellion or entering into electoral politics and functioning as parliamentary political force, or
• talking absurd and moving to slow process of natural death
2. What type of party the leadership intends to build?
• a mass organization like Nepali Congress, or
• a cadre based reformist organization like UCPN (M) or CPN (UML), or
• a revolutionary party like the CPN (M) of yesteryear
3. What tactic the party is going to concentrate on?
• re-election of the Constituent Assembly and establishing a reformist regime, or
• launching mass movements and armed struggle in appropriate time so as to prepare ground for establishing a new democratic state, or
• simply talk all and act none, follow the road easily available
4. Is the party just reactive or proactive?
• just oppose what reactionaries or reformists do, or
• Just inform people about their rights and duties and difficulties and miseries, or
• Organize people, create hope among them, launch struggles and align all efforts to the direction of the larger cause with thoughtfully planned strategic orientation
Playing between revolution and non-revolution, between causes and effects, between one set of equilibrium and another set of deliverable could be understandable as relative and temporary phenomenon. However, strategically, these ‘play-betweens’ could result in total and irreversible decay of strengths, energy and even existence. Hence, clarity is what the CPN – M leadership needs to find out, right now. The natural next step would be to align all strengths, energy and endeavors to that course. Certainly, the factors of vital importance to ensure such alignment include identifying appropriate political, ideological and operational lines and practicing accordingly.

http://thenextfront.com/?p=2125#comment-1409

Monday, December 10, 2012

Nepal Inching Towards Dictatorship

Nepal Inching Towards Dictatorship

Divash Sharma

Authoritarianism starts with propagation of absolute negativism about existing political values, beliefs and practices. Generally, it targets the softer sides of a system to start the destruction process. In the second step, it initiates campaign to discrediting its opposition political parties. In extreme situation or at its prime stage, it bans their activities or even such parties. Bureaucracy is its primary target as a vehicle to implement what it wants to implement. The core function of the authoritarian organization or an individual is to make the military loyal to it either by ideological indoctrination or by bribing through 'legal' or illegal incentives. Hence, to completing a cycle of establishing an authoritarian regime takes quite a long time.

The authoritarian regimes are that of two types – openly declared class states such as communist party governed regimes and the other mix-pack regimes such as Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany etc. The first types are predictable about their course of action including their goals, line, programs, strategies and tactics. If they capture the state power, they will go by the rules of the game, generally. This had been seen in the Soviet Union and China. Much has been talked about this phenomenon and the information is abundantly available about its nature, functions and course. Hence, in this brief discussion, I will examine the second type of authoritarian regimes nature and face in Nepal also by looking at the broader international picture.

The Fascists in Italy used mass rebellion and terrorized authorities to capture the state power. The Nazis used election, a more legitimate way, to capture state power. In Zimbabwe, ZANU-PF organized its own force to overthrow the White rule and used the same force to introduce and continue its authoritarian regime. Although, they adopted three different methods to capture state power, they had the same nature, face and characteristics when they implemented their plans.
The fascists, Nazis and ZANU-PF had the organization they mobilized to implement the decisions made by the chief architect of their organization. Mussolini, Hitler and Mugabe were the sole decision makers of their respective parties or movements. Hence, there is an all powerful dictator at the helm in this type of authoritarianism.

Now, let us examine the situation in Nepal briefly.

The history of Nepal is that of the history of authoritarian regimes. It is probably natural that during the early time of newly unified Nepal in the Eighteenth century, a militarist feudal regime emerged. That was dominated by Shah Kings and their courtiers. They were marginalized afterward and a powerful Rana aristocracy ruled Nepal with iron fist. They were again replaced by the Shaha Kings in 1950. Though there was a period of political anarchy called multi-party system from 1950 to 1959, the real power was with the King and he effectively took over. The Kings ruled for another 30 years with full play of authoritarianism. In 1990, the King was marginalized and in 2008 he was removed and a period of political anarchy has been continuing since 1990. This is also known as multi-party system in form, whereas in substance, it is also an anarchies regime of a corrupt lot of 'political leaders'. This is some form of disguised authoritarianism.

Now, the picture is getting clearer.

The Maoists had started a war for the liberation of working class people in 1996. They had cultivated and distributed the imaginary buds of roses. The people, particularly the youths in the country side were thrilled. They had a dream - a dream of emancipation, freedom, prosperity and happiness. They lined up to get recruited as party cadres, people's army soldiers and activists of class organizations and interest groups. The Maoist party grew in geometrical proportion. And, its leaders became new Gods in the traditional Nepali society. Finally, the leaders at the top wanted to march to the seat of power in Kathmandu taking the shortest route. They discovered that path too and started worshiping the Indian hegemonic power to get blessing from them.

In a very secretive way, the top leaders of the Unified Maoist party made arrangement with the Indian establishment that they will better serve Indian interest than anybody else in Nepal. With some "give and take', they reached to an understanding that Prachanda-Baburam will get freedom in running Nepal's administrative and financial  institutions and will abide by Indian decisions regarding Nepal's political developments, larger security arrangements and the issues related to natural resources and foreign affairs. In this way, India created another Bhutan in its periphery and Prachanda-Baburam willingly accepted to play the role of the agent-implementer of this design. The letter they sent in 2002 to Indian government was its beginning and that matured in 2006 with signing the India-brokered 'Comprehensive Agreement'. Moreover, the marriage between the Unified Maoists and the ruling Madhesi parties and the formation of Baburam's government started to deliver what India wanted.

The authoritarianism that had targeted to subverting state institutions as Unified Maoist's  fiefdom, weakening the mechanisms that create a balance of power, behaving as if they themselves are the state and being prosecutor, judge and jailer themselves; the Unified Maoists in general and Prachanda-Baburam in particular have grown as full-fledged rulers in Nepal. Their modus operandi is simple and clear – function as an agent-implementer of India made decisions, rule as dictator in Nepal and accumulate wealth as much as possible for rainy days that may come as every dictator has a bad end. Thus, we are seeing all sorts of strange dramas including that of election. Now, we are seeing Egypt. Morsi took strange path to turn to a dictator. No legal means could dethrone him. The same is true in Nepal's case too. After a brief power struggle between Prachanda and Baburam, the later will emerge as victorious as he has the blessings of India. India knows that Prachanda is the most unreliable person and will not put its weight behind him. When, Baburam defeats Prachanda, the full course of the emergence of a dictator in Nepal will be completed.

The Nepali people have no option left other than staging total rebellion. That rebellion could take any form. The difficult days in the past are gone, more difficult recent days are also turning to be the past and the most difficult time is waiting for us. Let's prepare for that most difficult time and motivate ourselves to stay on the course resolutely as the Egyptian people are going through right now. Rebellion, rebellion and rebellion are the only three options the Nepali people should choose from.

Sunday, September 23, 2012

Some Comments on Com. Gaurav's article on The Next Front

I read Com. Gaurav’s article with great interest. The article addresses many immediate issues. However, it fails to offer strategic orientation, critical look of changed reality of the Nepalese society and state and the sketch of the road that the Nepali revolution will marches through from now on. Hopping that Com. Gaurav will look into these critically important issues and will provide his perspective and that of CPN – M; I have offered my input, below, for further discussion.

1. In reality, the Constituent Assembly was a tactical instrument and a temporary resting place to stay for a while before continuing the next phase of the journey. This arrangement fits with the larger scheme of the revolutionary journey. What happened was a normal outcome of a normal course, nothing strange. The CA was there to disappear either prematurely or by giving birth to a working class-unfriendly constitution at the most. Hence, no tears should be shed for its demise. In a class society and during the period of class war, it is a normal phenomenon. The revolutionaries should not stick to repeat the course that already has lost its usefulness. Now, CA is the problem of the forces of status quo, not that of revolutionaries. Hence, CA could not be a tactical line from now on.

2. When contradiction among and between reactionary leaders intensifies; a revolutionary party should utilize that opportunity to promote the cause of revolution. The business of dog fight among the ruling parties, when they are anti-people is a useful opportunity for promoting the base, speed and infrastructure of mass movement and that of protracted people’s war.

3. The nature of Nepali society should be an issue of intense debate. Here, the society has a good mix of capitalism and feudalism. I think, this is a capitalist society with still heavy influence and presence of feudal relation of production (but not dominant), values and practices. However, the society has already been tilted towards capitalist mode of production, values and practices. Hence, a deeper research and analysis is what we should go for, instead of repeating the convenient phrase of ‘semi feudal’. However, the path of new democratic revolution is still valid and that would include mass rebellion at the second part of the revolution. This would be a mix of Soviet and Chinese ways. As the society is in transition, the path of revolution also should include both ways into one and blend them as a single whole.

4. We are not just semi-colonial country either. The pattern and character of relationship between and among states have changed. Now, imperialism has changed its modes operandi. It uses capital investment (FDI), INGOs/NGOs, multi-laterals including UN system agencies, bilateral agencies, human rights groups, special interest mechanisms and instruments, etc. to dominate other countries and rule over them more indirectly and covertly. Direct attacks have become exceptional and interferences through proxies are common. Similarly, hegemonic powers also have changed their way of doing things. Now it primarily operates through client regimes and agents. Here too, we need to understand the changed reality through comprehensive political research. For the time being, I think, it may better reflect the reality if we say Nepal as a client regime of Indian ruling clique and play ground of forces of imperialism, more particularly, which operates through INGOs/NGOs. Hence, the main contradiction now is the contradiction between the people and the client regime including both the agents in Nepal and their masters outside. We could not oppose hegemonism and imperialism without opposing their agents – the client regime and agencies here in Nepal.

5. United Front and its role in revolution may not be class – neutral. Hence, the United Front, the CPN – M has been leading or is part of; should be judged taking its class orientation as a major criterion. The formation, now, sounds a loose network of opposition groups and parties formed to address a tactical need, rather than a strategic organizational instrument of change.

http://thenextfront.com/?p=2539#comment-1405

Tuesday, September 18, 2012

Counter Revolution in Nepal

Divash Sharma


There are three stages of counter revolution in Nepal.




Stage One starts from Chunbang and ends at 12-point Delhi Agreement.



Stage Two starts from Delhi Agreement and ends at ‘Comprehensive Peace Agreement’ between parliamentary ruling forces represented by the then Girija government and revisionist forces represented by Prachanda-Baburam & Co.



Stage Three starts from the ‘Comprehensive Agreement’ and it has been still ongoing.



The organized, planned, motivated and structured inception of the counter revolutionary political line was proposed in Chunbang. The revolutionaries too during that time either advocated the line that made counter revolutionary course possible or they maintained silence. This gave green signal to counter revolutionaries to move forward.



During the period of 12 point Delhi Agreement too; there was much less resistance by the revolutionaries to that counter revolutionary coup.



During the time of the ‘Comprehensive Agreement’ too, they had not effectively resisted the move that practically started the process of disarming and demobilizing the PLA.



Hence, the CPN – M leadership must accept their grave mistakes, half-measures and submissiveness. Even now, they are giving confusing signals. Sometimes, it sounds that they have been suffering from the double-speak syndrome of Prachanda-Baburam & Co.



Blames, half-measures, passing conflicting/confusing signals and total lack of assertiveness may neither help CPN -M leadership to gain strengths, nor it will contribute to rebuild revolutionary structures including the party, army and joint fronts, nor it will help to mobilize masses, nor it will contribute to strengthen international communist movement.



Irrespective of his/her intention and representation of certain interests, I agree with arua that just criticizing Prachanda-Baburam & Co may not work. It is certainly one aspect, but making your house clean by accepting weaknesses, failures and mistakes and providing a course that ensures rebuilding of revolutionary course in Nepal are more important.

http://thenextfront.com/?p=2495#comment-1365